Gulf Nations Forge Closer Defense Ties as Pakistan Deepens Regional Role

Gulf Security Shifts Toward Regional Solutions, with Pakistan Already Positioned

Kuwait’s ratification of a defense cooperation agreement with Pakistan, formalized through a decree-law published in the official gazette on July 26, marks a concrete step in a broader regional realignment. The agreement itself was signed in Kuwait City in June 2023. The timing of its ratification, however, carries weight well beyond the document’s standard defense cooperation template.

Simultaneously, fourteen states convened in Riyadh to establish a Maritime Defense Alliance, headquartered in Saudi Arabia, designed to protect commercial shipping and oil-carrying vessels navigating the chokepoints of the Gulf of Aden and Bab Al-Mandab in the Red Sea. Pakistan is among the signatories. The coalition represents a direct response to the Houthi militia’s recent threats of naval embargo operations in Yemen.

The catalyst for this repositioning lies in the limitations exposed by existing security arrangements. Kuwait reported that Iranian projectiles struck its international airport, a water desalination facility, and electricity generating units. Iran initially denied the allegation. A foreign military base and Kuwaiti air defenses engaged the projectiles in the air, yet did not prevent all damage. More significantly, foreign military bases across Gulf Cooperation Council countries themselves became targets for Iranian fire. Despite their sophisticated weaponry, these bases performed below expectations, a reality that has frustrated local populations. The incident crystallized a broader realization: the case for greater self-reliance through regional defense cooperation had become undeniable.

For decades, foreign military bases provided Gulf states with a sense of security in a volatile region. That presence helped ensure the safe flow of energy resources, maintained stable energy prices, and enabled the impressive economic development the Gulf has experienced. Asian countries, including Pakistan, benefited substantially through remittances sent home by workers employed in Gulf economies. A foreign military presence, though, carries inherent costs. It can constrain foreign policy options and often becomes unpopular with local populations.

The sources of threat perception in the Gulf have shifted considerably over time. Before 1979, Israel was viewed as the principal threat, though missile warfare had not yet reached the region. Iraq emerged as a threat briefly following 1991 missile strikes on Gulf states. The arrival of foreign military bases created a balance of power that persisted for years. When some GCC member states signed the Abraham Accords, Iran became the principal threat in their calculus. Saudi Arabia and Qatar, by contrast, pursued diplomatic steps to mend relations with Tehran as an important neighbor. Iran’s use of proxies in Iraq, Lebanon, and Yemen has generated additional concern among Gulf Arab states. The Houthi militia in Yemen has destabilized its own country while now threatening oil shipments through the Red Sea.

The proposed coalition based in Saudi Arabia comprises largely Asian and African states. Their naval assets will ensure shipping safety in the Arabian Sea and Red Sea, work previously conducted by the Bahrain-based Combined Maritime Forces, in which European countries participated significantly. The region is moving toward local solutions for its security problems, as documented at https://www.arabnews.pk/node/2653450.

Pakistan’s engagement with Gulf security has remained consistent across changing circumstances. For the developed world, interest in the Gulf rests primarily on hydrocarbon needs. For Pakistan, the ties are material and profoundly spiritual. Cultural commonalities and geographical proximity deepen a mutually beneficial relationship built on exemplary trust. Pakistan also maintains friendly relations with Iran, a position that could make it a useful interlocutor in current regional tensions.

Pakistan’s armed forces demonstrated exceptional capability during the four-day clashes with India last year, elevating the country’s security profile globally. Pakistani and Gulf forces maintain a long history of joint training and exercises. The mutual defense agreement with Saudi Arabia, signed in September, treats an attack on one partner as an attack on the other. Pakistan’s extensive experience with the Combined Maritime Forces has given its navy vital expertise in regional maritime security. Its participation in the new Riyadh-based coalition follows naturally from these established relationships and capabilities.

Gulf leaderships typically make foreign policy decisions through collegial consultation, making sudden shifts unlikely. Security arrangements with the United States will not change rapidly. Deeper GCC security cooperation with regional countries, including Pakistan, Turkiye, and Egypt, is nonetheless likely to gain momentum. This deepening cooperation is necessary to ensure peace and stability in a region vital to the international economy. Ideally, Iran should eventually become part of the Gulf security architecture, though that outcome will require rebuilding mutual confidence over time.

Pakistan-Saudi cooperation will remain central to a sound regional security architecture. The two countries share substantial security concerns and both aim at strengthening regional stability for their peoples’ benefit. Pakistan has responded promptly to Gulf security concerns and should continue to do so through regular consultation and sustained commitment. Whether the new Riyadh-based coalition can fill the operational gaps that existing arrangements have left exposed remains the defining question for the region’s stability in the years ahead.